Can next govt fulfil July dreams?

Undeniably, the July uprising has radically changed the public's view on what future governments should be like. The Dr Yunus-led interim administration's role has been more than just arranging the 13th parliamentary election. In fact, its job has been to do the groundwork for the next elected government to start from on the issue of creating a political system that will be able to deliver in the spirit of July revolution. Notably, the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, in his message has congratulated the people of Bangladesh for holding the elections as well as the referendum. So, the issue or referendum is an internationally recognised one.

Now the question is, if the upcoming government to be led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which has got a massive mandate from the voters, would live up to that public expectation. More particularly, would the performance of the next government be business as usual, or mark a departure from the old way of running the affairs of state? For, in the referendum, the majority of voters have pronounced their verdict in favour of the constitutional reform. The goal of that reform is to change the status quo, that is, the old order.  However, there is still a segment of the population who has faith in the old order and believes that the traditional political parties, of which the BNP is one, should hold on to tradition and not go for the July-inspired reform move. But they do not represent the majority, according to the outcome of the referendum. Also, going by the voting pattern, the number of voters who participated in the referendum (on the National July Charter in which declaration has been made by 30 political parties including BNP and the interim government in favour of the constitutional, electoral and administrative reforms in the spirit of the July revolution) has been slightly higher than those who voted to elect the lawmakers. That means the referendum pulled more voters than the parliamentary polls. Had the overall voter turnout been higher, say, 80 per cent or more, the number of participants in the referendum would be still higher. In any case, the majority constituents have been in favour of a change in the governance and state structure. Now, it would be interesting to see what stance does the BNP, which has won absolute majority with more than two-thirds of the seats in parliament, is finally going to take on the issue of implementing the July Charter.  The question arises, because during the campaign for the 13th Jatiya Sangsad   (National Legislature), many leaders and workers of that party were found dismissive on the issue of reforms as spelt out in the July Charter. Obviously, they appeared to be against any change in the status quo.  But from the moral point of view, no political leader in modern-day electoral politics can deny the need for reform of the existing system of governance that is inefficient and corrupt. This is the reason why everywhere, especially in the developing world, it is a common practice among the politicians running for president, prime minister or a seat in the legislature in a national election, to make promises about reforms. But whether they can keep their promises when in power is quite another matter. One should not be surprised at their failure to deliver on their promises. Reform of the existing order of things, of the system of governance and state machinery in particular, is easier said than done. Even so, politicians in the post-colonial nations in Asia, Africa  and Latin America make promises for reforms all the same. So, reforms are popular political slogan almost everywhere.  Even in history, most social upheavals had to do with reforms of political structure of the government or the state. In the case of anti-colonial movements, too, the usual political narratives and slogans have revolved around ending exploitation by outside powers, social discrimination and the exploitative structure of the existing government and the state.

So, the present case of popular desire for reforms of the system of governance in Bangladesh is nothing out of the ordinary that any politician  in her or his right mind can deny. In that case, is it not strange that some politicians vying for party nomination  or a seat in parliament during last election campaign were openly speaking against reforms of the system of governance, which is corrupt and inefficient?  Moreover, who can deny that there should be checks and balances, especially on the executive branch of the state, given the experience of the last fifteen plus years?  

In fact, some among the dominant political class could not accept a mass upheaval with a handful of university students in the forefront. But they failed to see that the overwhelming majority of the population supported the cause the students fought for and that many have laid down their lives and sustained terrible loss of limb during their struggle for the change. It's indeed incomprehensible that some members of the political class could take such a stance, that is clearly reactionary, on the question of reforms!  

Against this backdrop, one is hardly surprised when Tarique Rahman, chairman of the BNP, called upon his party leaders and workers to caste 'yes' vote for change in the referendum. Also, other parties contesting the elections, especially the Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party (NCP)- the party directly representing the July revolution-had publicly urged voters to cast their direct vote supporting the reforms.  However, given the BNP chairman's positive stance on the referendum, the lawmakers from BNP elected in February 12's polls and going to form government through the swearing-in ceremony to be held tomorrow (February 17), should, in principle, support the reform. But as before, the question will remain about the ability of traditional politicians who lack any ideological background to effect any basic change in governance. Nevertheless, the public would like to see that the ruling party    that enjoys a massive mandate from the people is at least trying to implement the recommendations for reform made in the July Charter.  It would be worthwhile to remember that the elected members of parliament, under the Constitution Reform Order 2025, will also become members of the Constitution Reform Council upon taking an oath for the purpose. They are mandated to finalise constitutional amendments   within 180 days of holding the first session of the constituent assembly.  

Obviously, the challenges ahead for the newly elected government are enormous. Hopefully, the next government will prove equal to the challenge.

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