Next national polls: Are our police ready?

With the next national elections likely in February next year, public focus has sharply turned to the capacity and readiness of the Bangladesh Police. Can the force -- long criticised for being politicised, misuse of power, and erosion in professionalism --regain the trust necessary to play its central role in ensuring law and order during the electoral process?

Free, fair, and credible elections require more than just voter turnout and ballot boxes. They demand an environment where citizens can exercise their democratic rights without fear or coercion. And for that, law enforcement -- especially the police  -- plays a pivotal role.

Yes, auxiliary forces such as the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), Ansar, and the Village Defence Party (VDP) will be deployed. The army may also be kept in reserve as a striking force. But the frontline responsibility lies with the police force. It is the police that will guard polling stations, oversee rallies and public meetings, control political processions, and respond first to any breaches of peace. Whether they can carry out their duty impartially and professionally is the question we must ask now -- before it's too late.

The act of widespread politicisation of police in Bangladesh, particularly during the last autocratic regime, has severely compromised the credibility of the force. During that period, police were not seen as public servants but rather as agents of the ruling party. Recruitment, promotion, and postings were often based on loyalty, not merit. This politicisation nearly destroyed the police as an institution, turned many officers into tools of repression rather than guardians of the law.

When the previous regime fell, many expected a thorough institutional cleansing and rebuilding. The opportunity was there to revitalise the police and restore public faith in them. Indeed, a Police Reform Commission was formed. But the real question remains: has the momentum been sustained?

The Police Reform Commission submitted a far-reaching and comprehensive report containing 108 recommendations to transform the police into a transparent, accountable, and impartial institution. This is not just another bureaucratic document   -- it is a blueprint for salvaging a force that has veered far from its constitutional role.

Among its key recommendations include: Revising outdated colonial-era laws such as the 1861 Police Act, the 1898 Criminal Procedure Code, and the 1943 Bengal Police Regulations; Establishing an Independent Police Commission with representation from both ruling and opposition parties; Introducing modern tools and practices, such as GPS tracking, body cameras, and standardised crowd-control protocols; Strict accountability mechanisms, including disciplinary action against officers involved in excessive use of force or filing false cases; Immediate adherence to Supreme Court directives regarding arrests and interrogation practices.

This reform package is not utopian; it's practical, divided into short, medium, and long-term plans, with an emphasis on both accountability and capacity building.

Several proposals from the Commission deserve specific mention.

On human rights protection it recommends that interrogations of female suspects must be done with dignity and in the presence of female officers. Each station should have a dedicated female desk to handle gender-sensitive cases. A hotline for reporting illegal searches or wrongful seizures has also been suggested.

According to the recommendations, arrests should be made only under legal provisions, especially when a person's name is not in the First Information Report (FIR). The outdated British-era practice of arbitrary arrest must end.

For case management and career planning it suggests that a specialized criminal investigation team should be developed, with career incentives tied to investigation quality -- not political allegiance.

One innovative recommendation is to form multi-party committees at each police station or upazila to monitor corruption and misconduct locally. These grassroots mechanisms would add a new layer of transparency.

The report advocates adopting European crowd-control models and stresses restraint, particularly in light of the police's controversial role in suppressing student protests during July and August 2020.

The commission suggests creating helplines not just for emergency police aid, but also for reporting misconduct and seeking protection from police abuse -- a lifeline for ordinary citizens.

Despite such a thorough and promising roadmap, the reality on the ground remains deeply disappointing. There has been no meaningful implementation of these reforms. Not a single major recommendation has been enacted.

The much-needed Independent Police Commission -- the very heart of the reform effort -- is still a proposal gathering dust. Meanwhile, arbitrary transfers, political favoritism, and bureaucratic inertia are allegedly continuing unabated.

One must ask: what is holding back progress? Why is there no political will to professionalize this vital state institution? Is it because a truly independent and empowered police force would threaten vested interests who benefit from a compliant and politically motivated law enforcement?

Time is no longer on our side. With the possibility of elections in February or April next year, the window to implement even the short-term reforms is closing rapidly. If immediate actions are not taken -- at least on the administrative and operational fronts -- the police will once again face the elections burdened by their past, unprepared for the future.

Even basic steps, such as training officers on crowd control and use-of-force guidelines, introducing internal monitoring mechanisms, and ensuring the impartial application of law, can bring tangible improvements in the months ahead. But that requires urgent, coordinated action from the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Police Headquarters, and above all, the political leadership.

At the end of the day, the performance of police during elections will be judged not by internal memos or press conferences but by the public's trust and perception. Will citizens feel safe going to vote? Will opposition candidates be able to campaign without harassment? Will protestors be dispersed with tear gas and batons or through dialogue and de-escalation?

If these questions are not answered affirmatively, the legitimacy of the election itself will be questioned. And the damage to the country's democratic journey could be profound.

The road ahead is difficult but not impossible. Here are a few urgent steps that can still be taken:

Bangladesh stands at a democratic crossroads. Whether we move forward or fall backward will largely depend on the actions taken today -- not only by political leaders, but by institutions tasked with upholding the rule of law.

The Bangladesh Police, with all its flaws and all its potential, must rise to the occasion. Elections are not merely a day of voting; they are a test of the state's commitment to its people. A reformed, professional, and people-oriented police force is not just desirable -- it is indispensable.

If we fail to act now, the dream of a peaceful, fair election and a truly democratic future may remain just that -- a dream.

mirmostafiz@yahoo.com