Proportionate representation in electoral process: The perspective of Bangladesh

The advent of the new millennium has brought about a new reality and dynamism in the socio-economic perspective in least developed and developing countries. The access to information through Internet and mobile phone has helped the common people understand more about their civil rights. In a given country, exercising civil rights by its people largely depends on the democratic practice and process of that country.

Democratic practice involves all political parties including the party in the government, the opposition parties in the parliament or outside the parliament, faith groups, environmental groups, and workers having a common belief in Abraham Lincoln' s great speech at Gettysburg : "government of the people, by the people and for the people". Democratic practice is more of a philosophical and academic approach, whereas the democratic process is an applied form involving voters, electoral administration and state administration.

In Bangladesh general elections took place in 2014, 2018 and 2024. The process of holding those elections went grossly against the people's aspirations.

Under the present circumstances, establishing a new process aligned with the philosophy of Lincoln involves measures against nomination business by the parties and excessive expenses on election campaign by the election.

Now in Bangladesh a lot is being said about the process of proportionate representation. This method is in practice in many countries in Europe. Is the process of proportionate representation implementable in Bangladesh? This is where an academic discussion is needed most.

If we consider a scenario that "X" as a party has obtained 1% of electoral votes under the proportionate representation process, the party must have 1% seats in the parliament; even though it may not be the "first past the post" in any constituency. Still "X" will get three seats out of 300 in the parliament. It will be very difficult to determine which three constituencies to be represented by the "X". Maybe, the seats the "X" stakes claim for have been won by "Y".

Not only the party named "Y" won the constituencies the "X" is designated for representation, but also the people of the constituencies will not feel a sense of belongingness, as the party designated to represent them in the proportionate representation system is not elected by them. This proportionate representation system will jeopardise the whole electoral process. It may lead to a legal battle.

People of Bangladesh irrespective of their socio-economic status very much would like to vote for the party they like. In the parliamentary democracy; it is the parties, which take part in the election. People vote in their own constituency to elect a party and the party's nominated candidate gets the votes and subsequently represents them in the parliament.

Hence, there is a bonding between the party-nominated person and the voters of that constituency. Any change in the electoral process must coincide with the aspirations of common people, stopping nomination trading done by the political parties and reducing election rigging as much as possible.

The much practised "first past the post" model would make voters and members of parliament more sensitised. Initially, the parties have to announce and let the Election Commission know in writing which constituencies they are going to contest. At the same time the parties will also submit lists of union or ward-wise names of their councillors. The number of councillors in each union/ward must not be less than 100. At the outset, it is the party with its registered symbol that will take part in general election throughout the country or in a number of constituencies it is interested to contest without nominating any person to represent the party in any constituency. Using this method the party will be declared as a winner under the "first past the post" model in a given constituency and thus the rest of the constituencies.

After the election, the initial gazette should be published giving the names of the parties, mentioning how many constituencies each party won. Within a strict timeframe no later than a week, under the stringent control and guidance of Election Commission the winning parties' councillors will take part in voting at union/ward polling centres to select the nominees to represent them as members of parliament in their respective constituencies and the nominees must be their party members.

In the perspective of Bangladesh, a combination of proportionate representation and 'first past the post' model of general election can substantially reduce nomination trading by the parties. The parties will be bound to practise democracy within the party that will reduce election campaign expenses and help efficient political persons get elected by their own councillors.

An elected member of parliament must go through a vote of confidence by its councillors halfway through their term and the failure to obtain vote of confidence in the middle of the term will render the sitting member of parliament replaced by a new nominee to represent their constituency for the remaining half of the term in the parliament. This replacement procedure will make a member of parliament more engaging with its constituents paving the way for unhindered development of the country.

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