July uprising, abiding hopes and harsh truths

When people from all walks of life rose up against the Awami League regime in July last year, their focus remained firmly on toppling an authoritarian government. With the state forces unleashing violence on unarmed protesters on the streets, there wasn't enough time to consider what political system might follow the crisis. It was only after Sheikh Hasina fled to India on August 5 that the people truly sensed her grip on power had broken and felt free to turn their attention to reshaping the country's political future. In the immediate aftermath of the regime's fall, coordinators of the student-led uprising turned to Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus and urged him to lead the government during this critical period. Given his global stature, clean image and track record, they could think of no one more qualified than him to restore stability, rebuild public trust and initiate reforms in the post-uprising atmosphere. True to their hopes, Dr. Yunus's interim government entered office as one of the most popular and widely supported administrations in the country's history.  

It is difficult to say for certain how much of that initial popularity still holds as the government completed one year in office and set early February 2026 as the tentative date for national elections. But if public opinion on social media is any indication, dissatisfaction is growing, fuelled by unmet expectations and the slow pace of meaningful reform in a system plagued by inefficiency and corruption. Admittedly, the government's journey over the past year has not been easy. There were multiple attempts to unsettle it and create chaos on the streets, some of which were perhaps inevitable after a mass uprising. However, managing these crises, especially the law and order related ones, was particularly difficult, as the government had to rely on a police force weakened by years of politicisation under the previous regime which left it demoralised and ineffective. 

Obviously, the government failed to deliver the fundamental reforms needed in the police, intelligence agencies, security forces and civil service that made up the power structure sustaining the previous autocratic system. While many hoped for a decisive shift from colonial, authoritarian and exploitative governance models of the past, they saw no real commitment or meaningful steps toward such reforms. In fact, the government itself appeared unsure of its ability to drive such transformation. This failure to reform, whether from inability or neglect, has allowed all forms of malpractice to flourish which is the source of public outrage. Today, public conversations revolve around talks of extortion, bribery, corruption, fraud and mob violence because these are the harsh realities people face daily. Many attribute this to the uprising's failure to transform civil service and law enforcement into accountable, citizen-centric institutions. After all, as they understand, rampant extortion and irregularities could not persist in Bangladesh's political reality without the civil administration and law enforcement letting them happen. 

It is a sad reality that in some places, members of the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) have been involved in extortion and lobbying. Students hold a privileged position under this administration because they played a key role in overthrowing the previous regime, and now the same cycle seems to be repeating where privileges lead to excesses, and excesses lead to oppression and violence.

Ever since this new government took office, the BNP has been calling for elections because they believe, in the current climate, they are the main contender with virtually no competition. Their leaders have made the demand for early elections their central talking point, insisting that elections alone can restore representative democracy. However, as the 15 years of misrule under Awami League have shown, without real reforms that make those in power fully accountable to the electorate, even competitive elections may become little more than political theatre. As American writer Walter Mosley once said about his own country, "We have the formal structure of democracy, but not the substance." The same can be said of Bangladesh today. The necessary institutions exist and resources are available, but progress remains obstructed by the entrenched interests of those who come to power and benefit from the status quo. This explains why in the post-uprising era, people continue to dread that a change in leadership might simply replace one ruling elite with another. 

So what happens if the BNP wins power in the February elections? Will they be able to truly champion the people's interests or will they pursue their own agenda just like their predecessors and dominate and control? It is true that the BNP's 31-point charter contains some ambitious ideas for the country's future, however it lacks a clear roadmap for implementation. On top of that, many of these points rely heavily on legislative changes. But as history is our witness, expecting political legislation alone to solve the country's problems is fundamentally misguided. 

More alarmingly, reports suggest the party is struggling with internal corruption. Media accounts reveal that the BNP has expelled approximately 5,000 leaders and activists since the fall of the autocratic government for disciplinary violations, which often means involvement in extortion or violence. That a party aspiring for power must expel so many of its members suggests that criminal elements are viewing it as their new safe haven. This points to the need for a fundamental shift in both attitude and behaviour. Such changes obviously will not come on its own, because if it were to happen naturally, it would have happened by now. The BNP must take deliberate steps to cleanse itself of corrupt actors and sever the link between money and politics. Otherwise, there is a risk that any electoral victory will just be another chapter in the cycle of hegemony and corruption.

This is why the current mass uprising holds extraordinary potential to reshape the nation's direction and fulfil the people's long-standing aspirations. It has generated a momentum for establishing equality and transforming our political culture. But if this historic opportunity is squandered and the forces rising to power repeat the mistakes of the past, the same injustices will return and the uprising will have all been for nothing. 

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