No scope to undermine July mass uprising

Dispelling speculations and predictions, the Yunus-led interim government accomplished its core mission by upholding the national elections and the referendum. The elections took place on February 12, and the interim government peacefully handed over power to the elected government within a week. Those who had spread disinformation that Yunus would not hand over power to the elected representatives, or would stay in power by postponing the elections at the last moment, must be disappointed now. They are, however, not tired of propagating distorted facts to undermine the legitimacy of the election, calling it non-inclusive organised by the 'illegitimate' Yunus government.
These Hasina-loyalists at home and abroad have been shedding crocodile tears over the Yunus government's alleged undermining of democracy by preventing the Bangladesh Awami League (BAL) from participating in the elections. Some now argue that the newly elected BNP government must hold a fresh election within a year or two so that BAL can participate. They are also of the opinion that there is no representative of the 30 per cent electorate in the newly elected parliament. How do they know that no BAL supporter voted in the election? Why did they remain silent when 70 per cent of the electorate could not exercise their constitutional rights to vote in elections held between 2014 and 2024? These people are unwilling to admit that all three national elections under the Hasina-led government were full of rigging and manipulation. To them, everything during the Hasina regime was perfect, and all bad things in Bangladesh's history did happen during the 18 months of the Yunus rule. Hasina loyalists in Delhi, Kolkata, London, and New York have worked to compile a long list of flaws and failures of the Yunus government. One cannot expect anything better from these intellectually dishonest and one-eyed people.
There is no doubt that the Yunus regime faced a lot of troubles and had many failures. This does not mean Yunus has left the country in distress. Without taking into consideration the context in which, Dr Yunus was forced to take over power, it is difficult to make any fair evaluation.
The student-led mass uprising in 2024 compelled the autocratic regime of Hasina to collapse, and she fled to India on August 5 in that year. Three days later, the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus, the only Nobel laureate from Bangladesh, took charge of the country at the request of the leaders of the mass uprising. The death of at least 1,400 people and injuries sustained by several thousand others during 36 days of the mass uprising left an everlasting trauma in the country. Hasina, her loyalists and blind supporters are still remorseless for the crimes they committed against the people of Bangladesh.
Not only during the mass uprising, but for more than 15 years of AL-rule, many people were intimidated by law-enforcing agencies and leaders and activists of the ruling party. Fully backed by New Delhi, the tyrant unleashed massive corruption and intimidation. Hasina had made the country subservient to India. She also distorted democratic institutions and allowed cronies to plunder banks for capital flight. The list of the ousted regime's misdeeds is a long one.
So, when Yunus took power as chief adviser to Bangladesh's interim government, the country was going through a turbulent period. Restoring law and order and containing the economic slide were tough tasks. Yunus and his team struggled to settle the dusts, and though their success was limited, they were able to move the country in the positive direction, as reflected in the elections held in the second week of this month. By labeling the Yunus regime 'unconstitutional' and 'illegitimate', the loyalists and supporters of the ousted regime wanted to brand any election under the regime illegitimate. So, as per their logic, the newly formed BNP government is also illegitimate. In this process, these people are likely to continue their disinformation campaign and raise questions about the validity of the new government.
Another attack on Yunus concerns the referendum on the July Charter and related amendments to the Constitution of Bangladesh. The referendum was framed as consent to implement 48 constitutional reform measures under the July National Charter. Around three-fifths of the voters, who voted on February 12, supported the proposed amendments to the constitution by casting 'Yes' votes. The political parties that had contested in the elections also supported the referendum and urged the voters to cast 'Yes' vote. Even BNP, which did not fully subscribe to the content of the referendum, joined the rally at the last moment. The party, however, signed the July Charter with numerous notes of dissent.
The beneficiaries and loyalists of the ousted regime argue that an 'unconstitutional' government cannot hold a referendum, so the referendum related to the July Charter is invalid. The crux of their argument is to question the validity of the newly elected government.
As BNP wins a two-thirds majority in the national parliament and forms the government, it now holds the power to amend the constitution in line with the July Charter. From the beginning, the party has shown reluctance towards implementing the referendum. This became rather clear when BNP members of parliament did not take the oath as members of the constitutional reform council. Members from Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party (NCP) have taken the oath. BNP argues that people voted for them as MPs and not as members of the constitution reform council, which still does not exist constitutionally. The arguments are valid. Nevertheless, BNP cannot nullify the referendum, as claimed by BAL supporters and beneficiaries. BNP leaders need to acknowledge that they returned to power after two decades through the people's verdict due to the July mass uprising. A compromising stance is necessary now to avoid legal and constitutional complexities surrounding the referendum in the greater interests of the nation. Otherwise, the newly elected government might fall into a trap set by the ousted tyrant and her supporters at home and abroad.

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