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Other sides of the WTO MC13

Delegates attend the 13th WTO ministerial conference in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates on February 26, 2024 — Reuters photo
Delegates attend the 13th WTO ministerial conference in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates on February 26, 2024 — Reuters photo

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What happened in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (UAE), during the last week of February is neither new nor surprising. There are several records in the past that the ministerial conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO) extended for a day to reach some deal. In 2015, the 10th Ministerial Conference (MC10) in Nairobi, the capital of the African country Kenya, was extended for a day to break the deadlock. The last ministerial, or MC12 in Geneva, also took an extra day to end. In Abu Dhabi, there was a hint on the third day of the MC13 that the meeting may roll over to the 'reserve day.' In the early hours of the fourth day, it became clear that the conference would be stretched to Friday as the member countries were rigid in their stance. Finally, the conference ended at midnight on Friday, taking a whole day to complete the formalities, which means it was already the early hour of Saturday or March 02.  

Extending the conference to the reserve day means some negotiators have to work the whole night to finalise declarations and decisions agreeable to all. Though it is not an easy task, delegates and WTO officials must take the trouble as they burnt the midnight oil. Even after spending a sleepless night, which is taxed on them, the outcome is always not satisfactory. It is also reflected in the Abu Dhabi conference.

In sum, WTO MC13 in Abu Dhabi concluded without a decision on a permanent solution for public stockholding of food. It also failed to reach a consensus on fishery subsidies. However, the conference approved the moratorium on e-commerce transmissions by two years. Despite hectic efforts to resolve differences in agriculture, fisheries subsidies, and other issues, countries like India, the United States (US), and the European Union (EU) have failed to find common ground. As predicted earlier, Least Developed Countries (LDCs), including Bangladesh, also got a minimum deal. The conference was the last functional ministerial conference for Bangladesh as an LDC. The next conference will take place in Cameron in 2026, when Bangladesh will graduate from the LDC category, or very close to the formal deadline, depending on the date of the MC14.

Though the members have adopted a formal declaration and some ministerial decisions have also been taken, it is difficult to say how and when the unresolved main issues will be addressed. In the three-page declaration, members 'acknowledge', 'stress', 'reaffirm', underscore', 'retreat', and 'recognise' a number of things in good and strong sentences. Someone reading the declaration may find it optimistic due to the way the text is prepared. However, they have to struggle to find the core messages as it requires going between the lines and linking with the past events.

One of the critical features of the event was the restricted activities of the civil society organisations (CSOs) at the conference venue. CSOs alleged that the UAE government had imposed stringent conditions that made the work of the organisations quite difficult. Our World is Not for Sale (OWINFS), a network of organisations and social movements worldwide, issued several statements in this connection. It alleged that even after filing a complaint to the WTO Director-General about several incidents of detainment, confiscation of materials, and heavy-handed restrictions on activities by CSOs, the CSOs faced restrictions. In a meeting with WTO DG, representatives of the CSOs also raised the matter.

OWINFS also prepared a list of activities that CSOs and NGOs used to do in previous ministerial conferences. These include distributing informational flyers, handing papers to journalists, holding signs, chanting about the negotiations, displaying banners, taking photos of our actions, speaking with delegates as they enter negotiating rooms, taking actions in areas where delegates can see and filming according to the instructions.

As the UAE generally does not permit these kinds of activities, and laws ban some of these, the authorities did not allow CSOs to work independently. In last year's climate summit in Dubai, however, there were some relaxations, and CSO activities were visible with limitations. Protest rallies, display of banners and some other things were allowed. So, it was expected from CSOs that at the MC13, similar opportunities would be provided by the UAE authorities. That did not happen, although the restrictions were later relaxed to some extent. Nevertheless, expressing solidarity with Palestinian people by wearing traditional Palestinian Kuffiyeh was restricted. So, there was no chance to protest against the Israeli genocide that had already killed 30,000 people in occupied Gaza. However, the Dubai climate summit provided an excellent space for such a protest.

As the MC13 finally delivered a little, the CSOs expressed their satisfaction. In a statement issued immediately after the formal closing of the conference, they said: "A ministerial marked by unprecedented repression of civil society has ended in paralysis as it fails to address the multiple economic, climate, and food crises facing billions of the world's people. Civil society has predicted this failure since the WTO was created in 1995." The statement issued by the OWINFS after midnight also said that though the 'developing countries successfully push back against radical new WTO expansion agenda', they also have failed as well as no deal has been reached on the areas of their interests.

Historically, CSOs, also known as NGOs, have played a critical role in shaping the WTO agenda and outcome with their various inputs in the form of research and studies, brief notes, discussions, meetings, and protests. There is an understanding between CSOs and the governments in this connection, though many governments are uncomfortable with CSOs. Moreover, CSO activities are also not always beyond criticism and in many cases, these favour some particular countries in the name of bigger groups like Global South. Nevertheless, the governments should not contract adequate room for CSOs to raise their voices. Such a move ultimately hurts the poor countries in many cases.

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