Protecting the 'Revolution'

The revolution or the mass upsurge of July-August in Bangladesh was undoubtedly a successful one, which made an apparent impossibility a reality and ignited new hopes and expectations in society. Those who led the movement had stated in clear terms at the very outset that they wanted to establish a discrimination-free new Bangladesh. Thereafter, the students and masses of the country staged a vigorous rebellion that expelled a deeply entrenched fascist, autocratic, and mafia-like regime. Consequently, people can now rightly expect that a social transformation would materialise soon. As consolidating a mass-upsurge is no different than doing the same for a revolution, similar experiences in other parts of the world should now be looked at and emulated wherever applicable in case of Bangladesh.

The revolutionary leader of modern China Mao Zedong had asserted: "Revolution is not a dinner party, nor an essay, nor a painting, nor a piece of embroidery; it cannot be advanced softly, gradually, carefully, considerately, respectfully, politely, plainly, and modestly." At the same time, he also asserted: "Politics is war without bloodshed, while war is politics with bloodshed." But materialising the aims of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free Bangladesh with the help of an archaic bureaucracy that has its origin and orientations rooted in the colonial past will indeed be difficult if the existing constitution and its contradictory legal stipulations are adhered to. Bangladesh needs to find a path forward by shunning the colonial traditions. But this struggle for transformation and progress appears to be getting mired in the quicksand of indecisiveness.

Some observers opine that the organizers of the mass upsurge should have entered into dialogues with the masses all over the country immediately after the event. Some civil society members and politicians have been doing this, but the initiatives so far fell far short of requirement. Besides, a large proportion of these dialogues were confined to the gentlemen class in society. Therefore, it is not yet clear for how long the ideological mooring of Bangla-Spring can remain robust. The leaders of the mass upsurge should now focus more on the general masses by attaching lesser priority to the gentlemen classes and bureaucracy. They should do this if they really believe that the mass people were the real architects of this new chapter in Bangladesh's history, and real advancements can be made only through the participation of all segments of society. Global experiences point to the need for inclusiveness in deciding on the post-revolution pathways by regularly sitting with the masses. Revolution becomes a celebration only by treading that path.

Although the July-August revolution had mingled with the essence of a 15-year-long movement against the fascist regime by various classes and professions, it was also true that the final chapter was enacted within a mere two months. The limitations of such a cataclysmic change within such a short time is that many people could not absorb the ideological aspirations and responsibilities in their own contexts, although they spontaneously participated in the movement. These people will become protectors of the revolution only when they identify themselves with those ideologies. Millions of such supporters are needed for sustaining this revolution. This task cannot be done by the leaders of the student-led movement against discrimination alone. All people facing discriminations in society and governance should be included in this fold. Reforming the state will be difficult without including maximum number of such deprived people in the process. The political parties are usually the mainstay in any process for change. But initiatives for addressing the aspirations for change among the masses appear to be lacking among many political parties.

Some observers also hold the view that it is for the first time after independence that the mass people are seeking to create a new society. They want to come out of their decades-long frustration with the state by becoming an engine for change. The responsibility of including these people in this celebration of change squarely falls on the leaders of the mass upsurge. And the celebration will yield success only when significant improvements are made in the status of the teeming millions living in the lower echelons of society. No reactionary forces can stop this onward journey if food, clothing, shelter, education, and medical care of the common people are ensured. The employment of workers and the interests of farmers should be prioritised alongside ensuring easy availability of essential commodities at fair price. Many people are now dwelling on the superstructures while discussing reforms. But the poorer segments of society are not getting that much attention. There should be more discussions about the problems faced by the farmers and workers.

Worryingly, a segment of the civil society is already spreading scepticism about the strength and future of the mass upsurge. It should also be kept in mind that such segments remain apprehensive about losing their own positions and status in case of sweeping changes. At the end of the day, they cannot rise above their individual or group interests. The focus of interest of some of these people are now administrative centres, but the root causes of many ailments facing the society and country over previous decades lie at this very spot. In fact, the most pressing challenge for the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus is to make the administration pro-people. This can happen if the revolution defies the vested interests of the upper classes. The tide of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free society cannot and should not be liberal with the discriminatory systems still in place, as the revolution cannot be protected in this way.

The widespread support received by the interim government has been unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh. After so much bloodletting, the government now occupies a unique position of authority, from where there is no scope to embrace failure. There is no option for it but to follow an inclusive path through regular interactions with all stakeholders including the political parties, the civic organizations, and representatives of various professions and classes.

hahmed1960@gmail.com