In quest of a new political culture

Bangladesh stands at a defining moment in its political journey. The fall of authoritarian rule opened an unprecedented window for change -- a chance to reshape the country's political culture and set it firmly on the path of democratic accountability, citizen-oriented governance, and the rule of law. Yet, the reality unfolding in recent months paints a far more troubling picture. Instead of capitalising on this historic opportunity, sections of leaders and activists across the political spectrum seem to have embraced an attitude of "now it's our turn," using power not as a tool for service but as a license for abuse.

This mindset is being manifested in ways that are not only harmful but deeply corrosive to the ideals of democracy. Extortion, land grabbing, looting of state resources, trading in lawsuits, arrests and bail, abuse of political tags, violent clashes for party dominance -- all of these are becoming disturbingly common. The very culture that people wanted to end seems to be reemerging, only with different actors. It is as if the fall of one authoritarian structure has created opportunities for many of the same characteristics to emerge and engage in a battle to establish their respective influence and control.  

The democratic promise of a "New Bangladesh" is being undermined from within. When authoritarian regime fell, there was widespread optimism that the country would witness the growth of inclusive politics and institutions rooted in accountability and fairness. But instead of nurturing this opening, some factions within influential political parties have chosen to mimic the excesses of the very regime they opposed.

What makes this trend especially alarming is such excesses are seen as normal happenings. Over the past year, activities that were once considered clear violations of political ethics have quietly become routine. Factionalism has intensified. Party positions are openly traded as commodities. Local disputes are settled not by dialogue but by show of force. Intra-party violence has escalated to the point where hartals -- a tactic long associated with national-level confrontations -- are being called even for local disputes.

Worse still, some fallen political forces, despite being dislodged from power, are complicit or indifferent. Their silence or quiet participation in this culture of criminalised politics signals that the lessons of authoritarian excess have not been internalised. Instead, politics is increasingly seen as an arena of transactional gain rather than public service.

The situation is further complicated by the involvement of groups outside the mainstream. Certain religion-based parties, opportunistic local influencers, and vested economic interests are exploiting the fluidity of the current political landscape. Under the pretence of mass mobilisation or "mob democracy," fundamental rights are being trampled. Minorities, indigenous communities, women's rights groups, and other marginalised segments are increasingly finding themselves at the receiving end of intimidation and violence. Cultural and traditional spaces, which should be sources of unity and pride, have become targets of attack.

Such developments are more than isolated incidents. They erode public trust. And, also they send a dangerous message: that the promises of democracy and equality were little more than campaign slogans, and that power, once gained, is just another opportunity to dominate. For a society that endured enormous sacrifices to free itself from authoritarianism, this is not just disappointing -- it is demoralising.

To be fair, there have been some expressions of concern from party leadership. Warnings have been issued. Some organisational measures have been taken. Yet these steps remain sporadic and insufficient. Law enforcement agencies and administrative bodies, already weakened by years of politicisation, have largely failed to assert control. Worse, in some cases, they have acted as enablers, offering protection to politically connected wrongdoers.

The absence of a clear, consistent strategy for reform is glaring. Political parties that campaigned on the promise of a new political order have allowed local-level leaders to indulge in the very behaviours they once condemned. From district headquarters to union councils, extortion and power grabs are not exceptions -- they are becoming norms.

This breakdown of accountability is not just a failure of systems; it is a failure of will. If political parties cannot police their own members, if the state cannot restrain its own institutions, then democratic rhetoric rings hollow. A culture of impunity is the fertile ground in which authoritarianism takes root again, even if dressed in new clothes.

Even political parties born out of anti-discrimination and anti-authoritarian movements are not immune. Despite their rhetoric of transparency and good governance, some of these new forces are already showing signs of the same rot. A portion of their leaders and activists have been implicated in extortion and irregularities, effectively adopting the worst habits of established parties.

This is perhaps the most sobering reality of all: that without internal checks, even the most idealistic movements can lose their way. The promise of a "New Bangladesh" risks becoming indistinguishable from the politics of the old if the culture of dominance remains unchecked.

The question now is not whether Bangladesh can build a democratic culture -- it is whether its political forces have the courage to do so. Political parties must ask themselves some hard questions. Did they fight to topple authoritarianism only to replicate its patterns? Are they prepared to betray the sacrifices of those who struggled, bled, and died for change?

The answers to these questions must be found not in words but in actions. The first step is internal reform. Political parties must treat themselves as democratic institutions, not as private clubs for the powerful. They must strengthen internal governance, enforce codes of ethics, and make accountability a non-negotiable principle.

Second, they must prioritise the interests of citizens over factional gains. Dialogue, transparency, and respect for dissent must become part of political culture, not exceptions to it. The politics of dominance thrives where dialogue fails. To restore public trust, parties must actively include marginalised voices and protect vulnerable communities from violence and exclusion.

Third, law enforcement and administrative bodies must be depoliticised and strengthened to act as neutral guardians of order. Their complicity in criminalised politics is both a cause and effect of the current malaise. Without independent institutions, even the best political intentions collapse under the weight of opportunism.

Finally, political forces must be willing to cooperate across party lines on fundamental democratic reforms. Rivalries will remain -- that is the nature of politics -- but the shared commitment to fair play, accountability, and integrity must transcend narrow interests.

If the current trajectory continues, the dream of a "New Bangladesh" will remain just that -- a dream. The sacrifices of the July uprising, the hopes of millions who demanded change, will fade into another cycle of disappointment. Public frustration will deepen, and cynicism will harden into disengagement. When citizens stop believing that politics can deliver justice, the space is opened for new forms of authoritarianism to emerge, often harsher and more cynical than before.

The time to act is now. Political parties must abandon the culture of dominance, extortion, and impunity. They must return to the core ideals that animated the struggle against authoritarianism: equality, accountability, and service. Only then can the dream of a "New Bangladesh" take shape -- not as a slogan, but as a lived reality for its citizens.

mirmostafiz@yahoo.com