On Laski's Grammar of Politics, others

In the second and third decades of the twentieth century, some of the most significant events in human history occurred, such as World War I, the Treaty of Versailles, the Russian Revolution and the beginning of socialism, Mussolini's emergence in Italy, and the rise of fascism worldwide, the Great Depression, the waning tendencies of the British Empire reflected in the India Act, the rise of the Labor Party in British politics, and a focus on the protection of workers' rights. Against this backdrop, British philosopher and political scientist Harold Laski experienced a remarkable revolutionary change in his realm of thought. In 1925, Laski's monumental work 'Grammar of Politics' reflects these global events and the transformation in Laski's thinking.

In this book, Laski critically analyses the nature of the state, sovereignty, rights, freedom, and democracy. He presents a multifaceted conception of political authority and argues in favor of a socialist economic framework that emphasizes social justice and economic equality.

Laski challenged the conventional notion of state sovereignty, arguing that power should not be concentrated solely within the state but rather distributed among various social institutions. He critiqued the legal conception of sovereignty advanced by Hobbes and Austin, proposing instead a pluralist understanding of sovereignty. In this framework, multiple centres of authority-such as trade unions, professional associations, local governments, and religious institutions-operate alongside the state and play significant roles in political life. Laski emphasized the necessity of the coexistence of these centres of authority, maintaining that the state is not the sole source of power; rather, it is one institution among many that jointly participate in governance.

Laski's pluralistic perspective is influenced by thinkers like G.D.H. Cole and Leon Duguit, who believed that distributing power among various institutions in society is essential to prevent despotism and oppression.

Laski emphatically argued that the role of government extends beyond the mere maintenance of law and order. The primary duty of the state, he contended, is to ensure the welfare of all citizens. He advocated for active state intervention in addressing inequality through economic regulation and the promotion of social justice. According to Laski, state authority is not absolute and should be constrained by social and economic considerations. He warned that an unchecked state, under the pretext of sovereignty, could suppress individual liberty. As an alternative, he proposed a decentralised system of governance in which authority is shared among multiple institutions. He was also a sharp critic of unregulated capitalism and the free-market economy, which, in his view, foster economic inequality and social injustice. For Laski, the state had a duty to intervene in order to protect the interests of the working class.

In his writings, Laski advanced a new theory of individual liberty. Freedom, he maintained, was not merely the absence of state interference but the capacity of individuals to realise their potential within a just society. He regarded economic inequality as a fundamental threat to freedom, asserting that political rights are meaningless without economic security, since inequality restricts opportunities for the poor and working classes.

Laski distinguished between two forms of liberty: formal liberty and real liberty. Formal liberty comprises legal and political rights such as freedom of expression, the right to vote, and protection under the law. Real liberty, by contrast, refers to the social and economic conditions that enable individuals to meaningfully exercise these rights. Without economic security, formal liberty becomes hollow. To illustrate this point, Laski offered the example of a poor person who possesses the right to vote but, lacking adequate education, healthcare, or a fair wage, cannot be considered truly free.

Seventy-five years later, Amartya Sen has offered a renewed interpretation of freedom, distinguishing between negative freedom and positive freedom. According to Sen, the right to attend school constitutes a form of negative freedom-there is no prohibition from the state, an organisation, or an individual preventing one from going. However, the mere absence of obstacles is not sufficient. A child who lacks the means to pay school fees or purchase textbooks cannot meaningfully benefit from this freedom. Thus, Sen argues that negative freedom is a necessary condition but not a sufficient one. Positive freedom, in contrast, entails the real capability to do or to become what one has reason to value. It is not merely about being free from constraint-it is fundamentally about empowerment.

In Amartya Sen's Capability Approach, the notion of capability-enhanced freedom is articulated with considerable depth. To elucidate this idea, Sen employs the term real freedom, which he defines as the substantive ability to live the kind of life one has reason to value. Real freedom, in this sense, extends beyond the mere possession of rights; it encompasses the practical means and enabling conditions-such as access to education, healthcare, and social support-that allow individuals to exercise those rights meaningfully.

Harold Laski, a committed advocate of democracy, offers a critical appraisal of capitalist democracy. He contends that within capitalist systems, economic power is concentrated in the hands of elites and capital-owning classes, who maintain control over resources while the majority struggle to secure the means of subsistence. This concentration of wealth and power, he argues, entrenches class divisions and perpetuates inequality. Consequently, Laski regards capitalist democracy as inherently unjust and calls for a more equitable distribution of economic power.

For Laski, genuine democracy can only be achieved when political and economic power are distributed on an equal footing. Democratic institutions, he maintains, must be participatory in nature and responsive to the needs of the working class. He warns that without the democratisation of economic power, political democracy remains hollow in practice. Laski thus advocates a model of participatory democracy in which workers and marginalized communities are meaningfully engaged in decision-making processes. He further argues for extending democratic practices beyond electoral politics, emphasising the importance of workplace democracy and active trade union participation as essential pillars for constructing a just and equitable society.

Harold Laski advanced a vision of socialism in which economic resources are subject to democratic control rather than governed by private interests. Viewing capitalism as inherently exploitative, he argued for the collective ownership of key industries as a prerequisite for securing justice and equality. His political imagination extended to a global order in which states cooperate through international institutions to resolve conflicts, prevent war, and eliminate economic exploitation. Laski was thus an advocate of robust systems of global governance, premised on shared responsibility and collective security.

Like Rabindranath Tagore, an Indian Nobel Laureate in literature, Laski cautioned against the perils of nationalism, observing that it often precipitates conflict and war. He envisaged an international community where states collaborate to resolve disputes and to advance common objectives such as economic equality and peace. In this context, he supported the establishment of international institutions mandated to regulate trade, set labour standards, and uphold human rights. For Laski, the economic exploitation practiced by powerful nations demanded concerted resistance through an international socialist movement.

A fierce critic of imperialism and colonialism, Laski's assertion that "imperialism and colonialism are extensions of capitalist exploitation" bears a clear resonance with Marxist theory. His uncompromising commitment to decolonization and to the principle of self-determination for oppressed nations remains a source of enduring inspiration.

Laski's Grammar of Politics is widely regarded as a seminal work in political theory. In it, he offers a penetrating critique of centralised state power, advocates for decentralised and democratic governance, and calls for the realisation of economic and social justice through socialist principles. His intellectual legacy continues to animate contemporary debates on democracy, socialism, and political pluralism.

Dr. N N Tarun Chakravorty, Professor of Economics, Independent University, Bangladesh. Editor-At-Large, South Asia Journal.
nntarun@gmail.com