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The genesis of the term banana republic dates back to the early 20th century to countries like Honduras and Guatemala whose economies were largely dependent of the export of bananas. These countries were often politically unstable, with weak, corrupt, and authoritarian governments that were easily manipulated by foreign interests such as American corporations. Today banana republics are often labelled by high levels of income inequality, with a small elite controlling most of the wealth and power. A more succinct description of a banana republic in today’s context is as follows:
On a Kenyan TV programme (Amlive NTV), “Post 2017 Presidential Debate Analysis”, lawyer M Miguna (who practises law in Toronto, Canada), articulated the definition of Banana Republic while depicting political and economic conditions of Kenya at the time. The excerpt below is reproduced word for word from his video clip:
“What is a banana republic? In a country where individuals are richer than the republic of Kenya, that’s what a banana republic is – number one. There are individuals in this country – the Moi family, the Kenyatta family, the Biwott family – all of them combined are richer than the Republic of Kenya. In a country where success is not based on effort, is not based on what you put in, is not based on competence, is not based on integrity, is not based on production, that’s a banana republic. Because what are they based on what success is based on? In a country where leadership positions are not assumed or acquired or retained based on vision, based on a person’s ideological clarity, based on a person’s manifesto, that’s what a banana republic is. In a country that borrows billions, hundreds of billions Kenyan shillings and does not account how it used the money and yet again goes to borrow another you know another trinket of billions, a country that threatens to increase taxes when 75 per cent of the population is unemployed that’s a banana republic- in a country that involves leaders involved in electoral fraud with no consequences that’s a banana republic.”
After listening and watching the video clip this scribe did Google search looking for ranking of Kenya in the following four categories (in parenthesis): (1) Corruption Perception index, 2022 (CPI=123 out of 180 countries), (2) World Press Freedom Index, 2022 (WPFI = 116, out of 180 countries), (3) Human Development index, 2022 (HDI= 152 out of 191 countries, and (4) Democracy Index, 2022 (94 out of 132 countries). The scribe continued with his curiosity to see how many countries can be classified as being a Banana Republic or on the precipice of being called one. In my assessments, these four categories seemed necessary but may not be sufficient to designate a country as Banana Republic. For example, China ranked 179/180 in WPFI, 156/167 in DI (authoritarian), 79/191 in HDI, and 65/180 in CPI is an exception. In short, the four indexes are defined as follows:
The CPI ranks countries “by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, as determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys. The CPI generally defines corruption as an “abuse of entrusted power for private gain”.
The WPFI assesses the state of press freedom in 180 countries and territories, highlights the calamitous effects of news and information anarchy – the effects of globalised and unfettered online news and views that nurtures fake news and propaganda.
The HDI provides a summary measure of average achievement in key areas of human development: a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable and having a decent standard of living.
The Democracy Index is published by the UK based Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) of the Economist Group which publishes the weekly The Economist. The index is constructed using 60 indicators sorted into five classifications, measuring pluralism, civil liberties, and political culture. Additionally, the index tags each country into one of four regime types: full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes, and authoritarian regimes. The index is published for 167 countries of which 164 are UN member states.
Kenya’s ranking in the four categories is:
1) CPI = 123 out of 180 countries surveyed, which means there are 51 countries whose ranking are worse than Kenya. There are instances of two or three countries that are tied in the ranking. For example, CPI of Bangladesh and Iran are tied at 147.
2) WPFI = 64 out of 180 countries surveyed. Bangladesh ranked 63 is nearly tied with Kenya. This indicates, there are over 100 countries with raking in press freedom worse than Kenya. (Bangladesh WPFI = 129).
3) HDI = 152 which means there are 39 countries with HDI compared to Kenya.
4) DI = 94 and categorised as hybrid regime while Bangladesh is also categorised as hybrid regime with the ranking of 73, better than Kenya. Here 167 countries were examined.
Using Kenya as an example of Banana Republic as described by M Miguna, the ranking of other countries in all four categories may indicate that Kenya is not a lone ranger in the race for being a Banana Republic.
Whilst the four indexes deserve full attention for analysis, this scribe chooses to emphasise the unassailable role the press and media (PAM) play in shaping everything that happens in a country. It is therefore no surprise that the First Amendment to the US constitution “frees” the press from government control or oversight. This freedom allowed the PAM as the people’s watchdog to check and report publicly if the “government of the people, by the people and for the people” are working for the people. That is why here in the US the PAM was ascribed the status as the fourth state alongside the three branches of government: legislative, executive, and judicial. As the fourth state or fourth power it enjoys an explicit capacity for advocacy and implicit ability to frame political issues as they evolve.
Unfortunately, that fourth state status has waned over time given the public’s increasing mistrust of journalists and news coverage in general. Only 41 per cent of news consumers said they trust the media in 2019, according to the Gallup organisation. Worse yet is that the US was ranked 42nd in the 2022 WPFI. The Voice of America (VOA), Press Freedom Editor Jessica Jerrett alluded to several reasons for the low index rankings, none of which refers to pressure from the government, which journalists elsewhere struggle with daily. These include budget constraints, a decline in news consumers’ trust and a rise in hostility toward mainstream media, and safety issues for reporters on regular assignments which includes harassments, intimidation, and physical assault. These are distressing but fortunately, they are mere footnotes compared to what journalists face daily in countries ruled by autocrats and hybrid regimes. It may be noted that VOA — a US government own entity- stands committed to press freedom around the globe without any fear of retribution. Unfortunately, the “Fox News model” in the U.S. spreads disinformation round the clock to the detriment of people’s trust in the PAM. For example, the FOX Channel paid $787.5 million to resolve a defamation suit filed by Dominion Voting Systems over the network’s promotion of misinformation about the 2020 election.
There are copious instances of governments around the world passing laws to restrain the media and their reporting capabilities. These governments often resort to using the PAM as their propaganda machines with distortions of facts. Autocratic (undemocratic) and hybrid regimes around the world use state machinery and fraud elections to hold on to power and throttle the PAM by intimidation, repression, and prosecutions by fake and concocted charges. These leaders know well that a free, open, and matured press not only bridges the information gap between the government and its citizens but also acts as corruption watchdog and confronts religious extremism, encourages political participation”. All these desirable goodies enhance productivity of resources and hence economic growth.
Nobel Laureate economist Joseph Stiglitz emphasised that an efficient and effective political and economic markets require accurate information. The PAM provides that and “shortens” the gap between the government and the public by keeping the flow of information helping the implementation of policies effectively, efficiently, and timely. In a country where enforcement of law and order is the norm it is the watchful eyes and ears of the free PAM that works as the strongest deterrent against all forms of corruption and inefficiencies in governmental operations. There is no substitute for a free Press and Media (PAM) to bring about regime change or hold a free and fair democratic election. Even a partially free PAM can deter autocratic interests and instinct from turning into a dictatorship and save a country from drifting into a banana republic.
Dr Abdullah A Dewan, formerly a physicist and a nuclear engineer at BAEC, is professor of economics at Eastern Michigan University, USA.