On political economy of khas lands in Bangladesh

The book "Bangladeshe Khaszami-Jala: Daridra-Boishommyo Bemochener Rajnoitik Orthoniti" (The Khas Land in Bangladesh: Political Economy of Inequality and Poverty Alleviation) is a comprehensive research work authored by eminent  economist Professor Dr Abul Barkat, along with Sheikh Ali Ahmed, Faisal M. Ahmed, and Md Sazzadul Karim.

In the preface, Barkat sets the tone with a striking quote from Marx and Engels' 'On Colonialism,' noting how colonial powers prioritised exploitation over public welfare. This reflection introduces the core of the book-an investigation into how Bangladesh's landless poor are systematically denied access to khas land and water bodies that could uplift their lives.

The authors remind readers that in earlier periods, land in Bengal was not privately owned. Farmers held traditional usage rights, but colonial land reforms and subsequent socio-political shifts eroded those rights. Today, around 4.5 million people in Bangladesh remain landless, often entrapped in poverty and social marginalisation. Though the government has introduced land distribution initiatives, complex legal frameworks and systemic corruption hinder real progress.

Structured across 13 chapters, the book delves into the historical, legal, and socio-economic dynamics of khas land and water body management. Chapter one offers an overview of the study's methodology, its geographical focus, and the historical root causes of landlessness. It reveals that approximately 11.34 per cent of the country's 35.53 million households have no land. The researchers estimate Bangladesh has about 3.3 million acres of khas resources, spanning agricultural land, non-agricultural land, and water bodies. While initiatives exist to distribute these resources to people experiencing poverty, inefficiencies and corruption mean that the landless often remain excluded.

Chapter two explores the evolution of land reform and the current state of Khas land in Bangladesh. It defines agricultural and non-agricultural land as well as wetland categories, tracing the administrative control of land from the colonial period to the present. The chapter highlights that, despite attempts at reform through various legal measures, land allocation remains obstructed by powerful interest groups and bureaucratic delays.

Chapter three reviews the legal frameworks governing Khas land. Bangladesh's land laws are rooted in revenue collection systems originating in colonial times. Regulations like the Bengal Tenancy Act and the State Acquisition and Tenancy Act laid foundational structures, aiming to protect tenant rights and ensure fair land distribution. Yet, these laws have largely failed to secure justice for the landless due to poor enforcement, elite capture, and limited legal recourse.

Chapter four provides a critical comparison between government statistics and the researchers' findings regarding the extent of Khas land. Government data from the 2023 report shows 3.66 million acres of Khas land and water bodies. In contrast, the research estimates nearly 5 million acres, suggesting significant discrepancies. The authors attribute the gap to issues such as unrecorded land, lawsuits, and illegal occupation.

Chapter five analyses the settlement status of these resources. Government data indicates that 32.3 per cent of the khas land and water bodies have been settled, while the researchers estimate this figure at just 23.8 per cent. A large portion remains unallocated, particularly agricultural and water bodies, which, if equitably distributed, could be crucial in addressing poverty.

In chapter six, the authors present an ambitious proposal for utilising the remaining unsettled Khas resources. They argue that by allocating agricultural land to around 9.4 million families, water bodies to about 1.4 million families, and a portion of non-agricultural land for urban housing, over 56 million people-nearly one-third of the population-could benefit. Such a redistribution could significantly reduce inequality and support inclusive development.

Chapter seven outlines the procedures and eligibility criteria for receiving Khas land. Effective attempts at reform began with the 1984 Land Reform Ordinance and the 1987 implementation program. The process involves identifying eligible landless households, prioritising the most vulnerable, conducting applications and verifications, and issuing long-term leases. Yet, even within these frameworks, implementation remains flawed.

Chapter eight evaluates the outcomes of these reforms. Between 2000 and 2010, the most significant distributions occurred, with recipient families receiving an average of 55.4 decimals. However, 8.2 per centof recipients were found to be ineligible. Many genuine landless families still face exclusion due to nepotism, bribes, and administrative failures. Even when land is allocated, it often lacks the accompanying support systems necessary for livelihood improvement.

Chapter nine presents a detailed survey revealing that only 25 per cent of eligible families have received agricultural khas land. The situation is worse in some areas-only 16 per cent in Pirganj and Saghata. Even among recipients, 11.6 per cent  lost possession, 10 per cent became embroiled in legal disputes, and around 9 per cent were forced to sell their land due to economic pressure or coercion. Interestingly, receiving khas land did not appear to increase women's risk of abandonment, as 97 per cent of female recipients were married at the time.

Chapter ten discusses the structural barriers faced by landless people in obtaining and retaining khas land. These include corruption, legal confusion, influential land grabbers, and weak administrative support. Many recipients are forced to pay bribes, endure litigation, or face threats from local elites. Women face additional hurdles due to patriarchal norms and exclusionary policies.

Chapter eleven assesses how receiving khas land has affected recipients' lives. Around 85.3 per cent of surveyed households reported positive changes, including improved food security, housing, and savings. Families also gained social recognition and increased self-sufficiency. However, some had to relinquish their land due to unresolved disputes or financial challenges, showing that land alone is not a silver bullet-it must be paired with supportive services.

Chapter twelve highlights the crucial role of NGOS in supporting the landless. Organisations like 'Nijera Kori' help raise awareness, organise collective resistance, and provide legal assistance to dispossessed groups. Case studies from Subarnachar and Saghata show how these organisations empower communities to fight land grabbers and demand justice.

The final chapter offers policy recommendations to make the Khas land distribution more effective. These include reducing maximum landholdings, enhancing grievance mechanisms, prioritising vulnerable groups like indigenous and marginalised people, and reforming land-related legal frameworks. The book also suggests creating a digital khas land database, ensuring transparency in landless identification, simplifying procedures, and increasing NGO involvement to support sustainable rehabilitation.

One of the strengths of this research lies in its rich and detailed analysis. The book presents an extensive collection of statistics, historical records, and policy evaluations, offering readers a deep and comprehensive understanding of the topic. Moreover, the inclusion of real-life case studies featuring landless individuals adds a deeply moving dimension, bringing out the human side of the issue. A notable feature of the book is its clear and practical policy and administrative recommendations aimed at securing the rights of the landless. The authors' firm advocacy for these rights evokes both empathy and heightened awareness among readers.

Overall, "Bangladeshe Khaszami-Jala: Daridra-Boishommyo Bemochener Rajnoitik Orthoniti" is a timely and in-depth investigation into the intersection of land rights, poverty, and inequality. It demonstrates how systematic failures in land governance hinder social justice and economic development. The book not only critiques the status quo but also offers a clear roadmap for reform. Its empirical depth and strong policy focus make it essential reading for researchers, policymakers, development practitioners, and government officials.

This work revives a long-neglected subject with fresh urgency. By detailing both the potential and pitfalls of land distribution, the authors have filled a vital gap in the discourse on rural poverty in Bangladesh. As the first comprehensive study in two decades, it will likely serve as a critical reference point for future land reform efforts. Published by Muktobuddhi Prokasana in March 2025, and priced at 1000 Taka, this book is more than a piece of academic work-it is a call to action for a fairer and more equitable Bangladesh.

Dr Matiur Rahman is a researcher and development worker. matiurrahman588@gmail.com